The Karakoram Highway (KKH), a vital lifeline for trade between Pakistan and China under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), faces critical challenges each winter due to negligent maintenance. Connecting the two nations through the Khunjerab Pass—at over 4,693 meters (15,397 feet) above sea level—this strategic route is central to trade and regional economic integration. The pass connects Gilgit-Baltistan with China’s Xinjiang region and was reopened after closing for almost three years in April 2023. The land border was closed in 2020 after the outbreak of COVID-19. However, when heavy snowfalls hit, KKH becomes treacherous, risking the disruption of trade and the economic ties vital to both countries.

The KKH, a pivotal component of CPEC, facilitates the movement of goods and strengthens economic ties between Pakistan and China. Its year-round functionality is crucial for trade. Yet, the lack of timely snow clearance and road maintenance is disrupting the route, undermining the goals of CPEC.
Despite past agreements aimed at transforming the KKH into an all-weather route, meaningful execution has been lacking. This year, authorities have announced plans to finally implement measures to ensure year-round connectivity. However, the existing state of road maintenance raises doubts about their effectiveness and commitment.

For Aman Ullah, a resident and trader from Gojal, Hunza, the snowbound Karakoram Highway is more than just an inconvenience—it’s a daily struggle that threatens his livelihood. “We are often left stranded for days, with no way to continue our trade,” he shared with The Karakoram.
Aman explained, “A few years ago, the Chinese government donated four state-of-the-art snow-clearing machines to the FWO for winter maintenance of the Khunjerab Border and nearby sections of the KKH. These advanced machines, equipped with computerized systems, were intended to ensure safe travel and uninterrupted trade. However, only one of these machines remains operational today, and even that is reportedly in poor condition. Instead of effectively clearing the snow, it often leaves the road even worse, making travel difficult. The fate of the other three machines remains unknown, raising serious concerns about mismanagement and a lack of accountability.”

The poor state of snow clearing operations has caused a worrying rise in road accidents, Tufail Ahmed, the owner of a transport company whose vehicles frequently travel to China via the KKH, shared his frustrations. Stranded vehicles have become a common sight, with travelers risking their lives in freezing temperatures,” he said.
Abdur Rehman, an import-export trader from Gilgit-Baltistan, highlighted the contrast between the two sides, adding, “In stark contrast, the Chinese side of the Khunjerab Pass ensures the road remains well-maintained and operational during winter. Advanced machinery and a proactive approach demonstrate their commitment to maintaining seamless connectivity. This disparity reflects poorly on Pakistan’s preparedness and raises questions about the efficiency of NHA and FWO.”

Dr. Faqeer Muhammad, Director of the China Study Centre in Gilgit-Baltistan, emphasized the broader implications, stating, “The KKH is more than just a road—it’s a vital trade corridor that plays a key role in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI); it is a symbol of connectivity, trade, and opportunity. Neglecting its maintenance during winter risks undermining Pakistan’s economic and strategic interests, calling for immediate attention from the authorities.” Its maintenance is critical not just for trade but for the broader economic and strategic objectives of CPEC.

This neglect not only puts lives in danger but also hampers trade activities, creating significant bottlenecks for transportation linked to CPEC.
Residents and stakeholders are demanding urgent action to address these issues. Effective utilization of resources, transparent accountability for the missing machinery, and better coordination between authorities are imperative. Maintaining the KKH as a safe and reliable trade route is not just a regional necessity; it is a cornerstone of CPEC and a matter of national importance.

Gilgit, a sleepy outpost at the heart of High Asia, plays a key role in shaping the region’s geopolitics over millennia— including the rivalry eulogised as The Great Game between the British and Russian Empires.

It was during the research for my manuscript, ‘The Great Gilgit Game’, that I came across a people with whom I share a regional ancestry – the Burusho community of Kashmir. Evoking a professional high, given its prospects of enriching my academic endeavour, the discovery also elicited a personal joy, as I conjured a sense of kinship and association – the desire for familiarity, of belongingness and ownership being key pursuits of those uprooted or isolated from their native cultures and domain. I was a Pakistani, living in India.

I had chosen to write about Gilgit, a sleepy outpost at the heart of High Asia, not only to pay homage to my roots and ancestry, but also as a revisit to the marvel that constituted its strategic geography, having played a key, even if little appreciated role, in shaping the region’s geopolitics over millennia – including the rivalry eulogized as The Great Game between the British and Russian Empires. Currently, as the border gateway to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the flagship enterprise of China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the region is once again poised to become a key theatre of the evolving Great Power Competition, situated as it is at the crossroads of critical histories, geographies, rivalries and resources.

Amidst the churn of great power dynamics, why the banality of a small émigré community having captured my imagination? Stemming partly from the promise of a personal connect, it was the intriguing backdrop within which the migration took place that caught my attention. The migration in reality was a banishment, that of the reigning ruler of Nagar, a border pocket state situated on a tract of land famously described by the British traveler E.F Knight as “Where three Empires meet”. Nagar along with its sister state of Hunza, the fabled valley identified by many as the mythical Shangri–La of James Hilton’s ‘Lost Horizon’, occupied great strategic salience within the British imperial construct, especially as part of its Forward Policy against a perceived Russian onslaught on its northern frontiers in the mid-nineteenth century. The petty states of Hunza and Nagar were situated at the southern end of the Pamir Mountains in what today constitutes Gilgit-Baltistan— a part of the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir. It also bound the neighbouring Chinese territory of Xinjiang (East Turkestan) and the Khanates of Central Asia— all annexed and under the patronage of Russia— hence the “meeting of the three Empires”. This further whetted the fear of what came to be termed as the “Pamir Gap”— the possibility of various passes along the Pamir and Karakoram mountains being used by Russian Cossack forces to launch an invading attack on India. Under these circumstances it became imperative for the British to secure key border regions and bring them directly under the Empire’s sway. This however, was not an outlook the rulers of the Hunza and Nagar states were receptive to, especially as Hunza, the bigger and more powerful of the two states, had already entered into a tributary relationship with the neighboring Chinese Empire. Besides, as autonomous states the rulers especially that of Nagar, the defiant Raja Azure Khan, were reluctant to surrender their authority and powers. The inability to reach an agreement over the issue between the two sides, subsequently lead to The Anglo-Burusho war of 1891. A bloody battle ensued and despite the brave front put up by the Hunza-Nagar forces, the superior British force imposed a crippling defeat. The importance of the campaign can be ascertained by the fact that three Victoria Crosses (VC) and numerous Indian Orders of Merit were awarded to the troops by the British Government. The fact that the British forces were led by Colonel Algernon Durand, the brother of then Foreign Secretary of India, Sir Mortimer Durand further underscores the significance of the campaign.

The British victory also sealed the fate of Raja Azure Khan, the incumbent Raja of Nagar, who was ultimately exiled to Kashmir. His pliant brother, Sikander Khan was placed on the throne instead, clearing the way for a smooth transition towards the British territorialisation, and hence domination of the region. In Kashmir, Azure Khan was initially imprisoned at the Hari Parbat fort, along with his supporters who were exiled with him. After six years of imprisonment, he was then shifted to a nearby estate and kept under house arrest. It was in March 1922 that Azure Khan breathed his last and was laid to rest in a mausoleum situated in the outskirts of Srinagar city. His offspring and those of his followers banished with him continue to reside in the city.

This fascinating piece of history piqued my interest both in terms of its historical gravity and the personal opportunity it presented to forge a connect. I had already known some of the offspring of the erstwhile ruler, without knowing the history, but as invested as they were within the structures of Kashmir’s elite socialization, there was little scope for the cultural identification I was looking for. I was somehow led to the set of descendants still living in the vicinity of the estate Azure Khan had spent his final years in and was taken aback at the laborious preservation of their erstwhile culture and identity. The conscious effort and perseverance in cultivating their roots was laudable. While I too traced my antecedents to Gilgit, I was not ethnically a Burusho. Nestled in the heart of High Asia, Gilgit had over millennia bordered myriad imperial territories, cultures and ethnicities, becoming a melting pot of the same. The northern territories of Hunza-Nagar bore heavy Central Asian imprints, while the southern territory of Astore, to which I belong, diluted the cultural impact of the region’s northern neighbours. Hunza-Nagar had also acquired the Pagan customs of the northern (Central Asian) steppes including the belief system of Shamanism which they continue to practice, albeit in a watered-down version, to date. A shared language, the great denominator, was also missing. The community spoke Burushaski, a language isolate spoken only by the people of Hunza-Nagar, whereas I speak Shina, the predominant language of Gilgit.

This however didn’t hold me back and neither did it deter them. I was invited for tea with the community. As I entered the hillock where the community largely lived – near Kathi Darwaza in downtown Srinagar, it was as if I was transported to the alleys of Gilgit. There was a certain character to the place that reminded me of home, whether real or imagined, but I felt an instant connect. Despite the passage of well over a century and four generations later the Burusho community continued to firmly hold on to their customs and ethos. Even the youngest generation communicated in fluent Burushaski and an evident sense of pride in their antecedents prevailed. This had however not kept them from assimilating into the larger society around them but there was a conscious decision to hold on to their ancestral way of life. I was shown photographs of weddings where the traditional Nagar practices and rituals were incorporated alongside the Kashmiri traditions. The grooms continued to wear the traditional Gilgiti outfit known as the Chogah. The men adorned the peculiar tilted woollen headgear referred to as Khoi in Gilgit—I remember my uncle gifting Khois to my young children on their last visit there, over a decade ago. The women also owned traditional Gilgiti silver jewelry having collected them from previous visits to Gilgit or received them as gifts from relatives in Gilgit during planned pilgrimages to Makkah together. Over the years communication had however become difficult as relations between India and Pakistan deteriorated. The anguish of the community over the inability to stay in touch with their loved ones was indicative of the plight of divided families separated by conflict.

Another means through which the community preserved its ethnicity was by instituting marriages strictly within the community, a practice especially espoused by the royalty. It was also a means of keeping their race ‘pure’. The practice had been instrumental in preserving the Central Asian physical features of the community characterized by a bright complexion with mostly blue or green monolid eyes, distinct from the aquiline nose and high cheek bone facial features of the indigenous Kashmiri race. Hence the sobriquet ‘Botraja’; Bota in Kashmir refers to people with mongoloid features, and raja means King. However, with time, inter-marriages have started to become normalised. Also, in a departure from their ancestors in Nagar, the community in Kashmir traces their lineage to Nausherwan Adil (Nausherwan the Just), one of the most venerated Kings of ancient Persia. Their counterparts in Gilgit however trace their antecedents to Alexander the Great, while some also establish heredity with fairies and deities – a reflection of their belief system centered around themes of the Supernatural. Gilgit has however appealed to such enthralling wonderments since times bygone, be it the “Gold-Digging Ants” of Herodotus or the site of the more scientifically proven tectonic collision of the Indian and Eurasian plates that gave rise to the mighty Himalayas and the Tibetan Plateau – the highest in the world. Gilgit also houses one of the oldest and most diverse collection of petroglyphs (Rock Art) in the world and has been an important (southern) artery along the ancient Silk Road through which Buddhism spread to the East under the aegis of the Great Kushan King Kanishka via the passes of the Karakoram Mountains. The Karakoram Mountains and the Karakoram Highway that now traverses through it from the border with China in the north all the way to the warm waters of the Indian Ocean to the south, remains an intrinsic pathway for the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which has now assumed strategic significance well beyond just economics. The region is steadily emerging as an intersection where the India-Pakistan, India-China and US-China rivalries converge. The India-China border conflict of 2020, in close vicinity to the Karakoram Pass being one such representation. The region is very much on course to becoming the next hotspot as per Harold Mackinder’s Eurasian Heartland theory and the evolving Indo-pacific strategic architecture.

Having come across documents related to Mir Sikander Khan, the brother of Azure Khan who was made to succeed him after the latter’s exile, I became curious as to whether the paths of the brothers ever crossed again. One such early opportunity arose during Raja Sikander Khan’s visit to Srinagar in 1903 enroute Delhi for the Coronation Durbar, held to celebrate the succession of King Edward VII as Emperor of India. Upon inquiry, Raja Tasleem Khan, the great grandson of Raja Azure Khan, denied knowledge of any such encounters, more so as Raja Azure Khan was then being kept under house arrest while Mir Sikander Khan was visiting with official protocol. It became clear that there had been no interaction whatsoever, between the direct descendants of Azure Khan and that of Raja Sikander Khan. The two families had also followed different socio-political trajectories with the successors of Raja Sikander Khan having enjoyed state patronage in Pakistan as ceremonial rulers of the erstwhile state of Nagar, while those of Azure Khan led common lives in Kashmir. I also tried getting in touch with the incumbent Raja of Nagar, Raja Qasim Khan who now lives in London, to get his views on the subject and establish communication, if possible, between the two families. But to no avail.

Looking back, the saga of Raja Azure Khan has enabled me an entirely novel perspective, bringing closer to home the intricacies of imperial machinations. It has also drawn my attention to the power of the moment, how a defining decision or event can alter the course of history and the destiny of many. More so, the history of the region no longer remains a distant, blurred ideation for me, having acquired a life of its own with the real-life, personalized appreciation of its inner workings and the course it took. The family of Raja Azure Khan continues to remain a source of heartfelt camaraderie.

Asma Khan Lone

The writer is an academic. A graduate of the University of Cambridge, she has previously taught at Jindal Global University and is presently working on her manuscript ‘The Great Gilgit Game’ with Penguin India.

This article was originally published in Outlook India.

THE ADMINISTRATION of Gilgit-Baltistan covering 72971 square kilometers has always been a matter of interest due to its geo-political and strategic location. (Ershad Mahmud 2007) The region shares borders with China in the north, India in the east, Afghanistan in west province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) in south. Its vast mountainous terrain and sparse population have always posed challenges to administer the region to the satisfaction of the populace. Various administrative reforms have been introduced since 1947 and the Self-Governance Order-2009 is considered a milestone towards empowerment making the region an administrative province with devolution of considerable powers to a legislative assembly in the form of a legislative list under article 47 (2) (b) of Self-Governance Order-2009. This order created two forums of legislation namely the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly and Gilgit-Baltistan Council with the division of powers between the two currently GB is being governed under Governance Order 2018 wherein GB assembly has been empowered on the pattern of 18th Amendments like rest of provinces and GB council has become only an advisory body.

People of GB are commemorating their 77^th Independence Day in memory of their liberation   from yokes of maharaja Hari Sing. They proudly maintain that they acceded with Pakistan after sixteen days of their independence out of the fervor for   greater Muslim state which had come into existence to the south of their territory in name of Pakistan under the dynamic leadership of the Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah just two and half months ago on August 14, 1947. They hoisted the flag of Pakistan and till then they are eagerly waiting for full integration with Pakistan -a dream, which was snatched by Indian hegemonic design when it took the matter to the UN and made GB part of Kashmir dispute, the people who know the history of GB and international law, are well aware of the fact that the whole GB as it exist today had never been integral part of state of Kashmir.rather.Diamar had its own tribal dispensation,punial,ishkoman,gupis and, Yasin had status of governorates in Gilgit Agency while Hunza and Nagar were princely states by all definitions which were made tributaries to a stronger state of Kashmir after 1892 Anglo-Brusho war at Nilt fort in Nagar State, a joint defense was gathered against the combined forces of Britishers and Maharaja of Kashmir. As per international law when the suzerain withdraws the suzerainty, vassal states regain their sovereignty and it is their discretion to accede with any state or exist as independent states. the accession deeds of the rulers of independent states of Hunza and Nagar are testimony for their allegiance and accession with Pakistan under international law. The original accession deeds of Hunza and Nagar state with Pakistan were in custody of major brown which were handed over by his wife to Pakistan upon death of major brown in 1990s.

In a public statement in a rally held in capital Gilgit on 27 October 2023 marking illegal accession of Mahataja against the will of people and subsequent occupation of j &k by Indian forces, as Black Day in history of subcontinent, the current governor and former chief minister of Gilgit Baltistan, Syed Mehdi Shah chanted slogans of long live Pakistan long live Pak Army. He said,” time has come to take practical steps and grant GB constitutional status. Moody has unlawfully annexed IIOK, people of GB are pro Pakistan and will remain so in future also. People of GB have always stood by the people of IOK. Modi’s claim on GB is false and ridiculous., we have got freedom from them (Maharaja) and acceded to Pakistan with our will, the UN should implement its resolutions on Kashmir”.

 The Indian writer Pyranka Singh quotes an excerpt from a book written by Indian co-authors, wherein GB has been mentioned:

“We need to gradually turn the spotlight on Pakistan-Occupied-Kashmir, Gilgit and Baltistan. Our quest for a Line of Control (LoC) based solution for J&K has led to the progressive neglect of our claims on these areas. This now works to our disadvantage because the LoC is seen as the starting point and an eventual compromise is envisioned in terms of an LoC plus solution. Reasserting our claims and concerns will not only be a sensible declaratory posture. It will also help counter Pakistan’s claims about J&K being the ‘core concern’. We should formulate and execute a media plan which puts the problems in these areas continuously in the focus, and place the issue on the agenda of India-Pakistan talks…”  [1] 

So this is the hegemonic and neo imperialistic overtures of Indian elite and their think tanks who are pursuing the dream of Mahabharata enthused with hindutua doctrines. The unequivocal stance of people of Gilgit-Baltistan has been well expressed by the German scholar sokefeld in his book Locating Gilgit-Baltistan   wherein he maintains that Gilgit-Baltistan is not part of Jammu and Kashmir but only of the Kashmir dispute. This contention shows that the area was disputed already in British colonial times, and the aspirations of natives of GB to become a constitutional part of Pakistan have not yet been fulfilled.

As far as the circumstances that led to ousting of Maharaja’s appointed governor Gansara Sing is concerned, it is necessary to keep young generations aware of the ground realities as they existed at the time of partition and subsequent ripple effect on surroundings including princely states as the 3^rd June plan and partition act of 1947 had categorically enshrined that the princely state are at liberty to accede to either dominion or remain as independent states on their own. The real ruler of Gilgit agency was the viceroy through its political agent stationed at Gilgit. The political agent used to govern the agency through durbar style and jalsa model of governance. This style of governance had three kinds of interventions namely political durbar, intimate consultative durbar with chiefs in consultation on important matters and sports durbar. This is the reason till recent history the polo festival was used to be termed as jalsa not tournament or festivals as these are new terminologies for war sport polo.[2]  

Referring to the ground realities of agency, in those days the writer of the scholarly article Three Forgotten Accessions: Gilgit, Hunza and Nagar, in the introduction narrates an eye opener incident. He says,” In November1947, there was only one flag pole in South Asia where the Union Flag still fluttered. This was at the mountainous post of Kalandarchi in the Gilgit Agency where Subedar Jamshed Khan, an ardent imperialist, could not bear the transfer of the agency to Kashmiri hands and refused to obey the   orders of his superiors to replace the Union Flag with the Jammu and Kashmir state flag. The flag was eventually replaced by that of Pakistan only in the first week of November1947[3].”

If the origin and subsequent freedom of Gilgit agency understood the freedom of present-day GB can be grasped to a greater extent. Gilgit agency was established by the Britishers in 1889 to which states of Hunza and Nagar were linked but not integral parts of agency till 1892 Anglo British war at nilt fort Nagar for thirteen days fierce battle; after defeat of 1892 war the states Hunza and Nagar were made vassal states of Kashmir by the Britishers and these states used to offer tribute to Kashmir darbar under Dy-archly of Britishers and Kashmir, the former were responsible for defense this suzerainty came to an end when the Britishers took Gilgit agency in 1935 from maharaja for sixty years .similarly  Hunza, Nagar and Gilgit were beyond control of Kashmir darbar under treaty of  Amritsar  1846[4]. Gilgit agency was expanded in 1935 by adding Gilgit wazarat which was leased from maharaja for sixty years. When the British political agent handed over the administration of Gilgit agency to maharaja Kashmir on 1^st august 1947 unexpectedly for locals but as a pre-planned move ordered by lord Mountbatten. This development raised resentment in populace as well as scouts and the rulers of Hunza and Nagar were also unhappy with this arrangement. Thus the first deal which was unacceptable to the inhabitants of Gilgit agency was this abrupt transfer of power to maharaja .Further situation deteriorated with the accession of Maharaja  to India on 27^th October which proved a turning point when Gilgit scouts and the rulers of Hunza and Nagar made their minds to maneuvering to consolidate their resources  against Gansara Sing the newly appointed governor of Gilgit agency .Since much of Gilgit scouts comprised Hunza and Nagar jawans and NCOs whose mainly control was in hands of  NCOs,Capt Bababr Khan and Shah Khan who were also close relatives of both rulers of Hunza and Nagar,started to plan under leadership of capt Babar khan to oust Gansara Sing through a strategic coup d’ete on the night of 31^st October 1947 and on the 1^st November the dream of liberation was materialized with the help of locals making the governor a prisoner of war. The rest of the area was liberated with the support of col khan of 6 Kashmir infantry and col Ehsan, Baltistan could be liberated after strenuous fighting only on August 14 ,1948 one year later than Gilgit agency.

Keeping in view the geopolitical importance of Gilgit-Baltistan it would be in the interest of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, and people of Gilgit-Baltistan, to grant  provisional provincial  status by introducing necessary amendment irrelevant articles of the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan to the effect that, Gilgit-Baltistan is part of Pakistan unless the final fate of GB is decided through a plebiscite under the auspices of the United Nations as envisaged in security council resolutions in the context of Kashmir dispute.

[1]   Gilgit Baltistan Between Hope and Despair

[2] Himalayan and central Asian studies—– volume 17 No 1 January to March 2013

[3] Three forgotten accessions gilgit, hunza and nagar(the journal of imperial and common wealth history volume 38 no 01 march 2010 ,pp. 117- 143)

[4] Ibid